The Initial Benchmark Assessment Report on Iraq was presented to Congress yesterday. These are benchmarks Congress invented to measure the progress towards autonomy of Iraq in the military and political sphere.
As could be expected, the results are mixed. Of the 18 benchmarks congress invented, eight were judged to be Satisfactory
- Forming a Constitutional Review Committee and then completing the constitutional review.
- Enacting and implementing legislation on procedures to form semi-autonomous regions.
- Establishing supporting political, media, economic, and services committees in support of the Baghdad Security Plan.
- Providing three trained and ready Iraqi brigades to support Baghdad operations.
- Ensuring that, as Prime Minister Maliki was quoted by President Bush as
saying, “the Baghdad Security Plan will not provide a safe haven for
any outlaws, regardless of [their] sectarian or political affiliation.”
- Establishing all of the planned joint security stations in neighborhoods across Baghdad.
- Ensuring that the rights of minority political parties in the Iraqi legislature are protected.
- Allocating and spending $10 billion in Iraqi revenues for
reconstruction projects, including delivery of essential services, on
an equitable basis.
Judged to be Unsatisfactory are the following
- Enacting and implementing legislation on de-Ba’athification reform.
- Enacting and implementing legislation to ensure the equitable
distribution of hydrocarbon resources to the people of Iraq without
regard to the sect or ethnicity of recipients, and enacting and
implementing legislation to ensure that the energy resources of Iraq
benefit Sunni Arabs, Shi’a Arabs, Kurds, and other Iraqi citizens in an
equitable manner.
- Enacting and implementing legislation establishing an Independent High
Electoral Commission, provincial elections law, provincial council
authorities, and a date for provincial elections.
- Providing Iraqi commanders with all authorities to execute this plan
and to make tactical and operational decisions in consultation with
U.S. Commanders without political intervention to include the authority
to pursue all extremists including Sunni insurgents and Shiite militias.
- Ensuring that Iraqi Security Forces are providing even-handed enforcement of the law.
- Increasing the number of Iraqi security forces units capable of operating independently.
- Ensuring that Iraq’s political authorities are not undermining or making false accusations against members of the ISF.
And the Benchmarks deemed Mixed or Neutral are
- Enacting and implementing legislation addressing amnesty.
- Enacting and implementing legislation establishing a strong militia
disarmament program to ensure that such security forces are accountable
only to the central government and loyal to the constitution of Iraq.
- Reducing the level of sectarian violence in Iraq and eliminating militia control of local security.
Some in Congress are critical of the Iraqi Government saying there isn't enough progress
``This progress report is like the guy who's falling from a
100-story building and says half-way down that everything's
fine,'' said Senator Joe Biden, a Delaware Democrat who heads
the Foreign Relations Committee. ``If we continue the way we're
going, with the president's failed strategy in Iraq, we're
headed for a crash landing,'' added Biden, who is seeking the
2008 Democratic presidential nomination.
Now one could argue (and I have before) that our Congress' criticism of Iraq is disingenuous given that to get elected, Democrats promised to get enacted six bills into law
(1) “Real security at home and overseas.” Includes
phased redeployment of troops from Iraq and doubling the size of
special forces.
(2) “Better American jobs, better pay.” Would prohibit congressional pay raises until the federal minimum wage was raised.
(3)
“College access for all.” Would cut interest rates on student loans in
half and expand Pell grants. Would make permanent a college tuition tax
deduction now set to expire, and let joint filers who earn up to
$80,000 deduct up to $4,000 in tuition costs from their taxable annual
income.
(4) “Energy independence/lower gas prices.” Would
“free America from dependence on foreign oil” but doesn’t say how.
Would “enact tough laws to stop price gouging.”
(5)
“Affordable health care/lifesaving science.” Calls for
government-negotiated pharmaceutical prices for seniors on Medicare and
more federal money for embryonic stem-cell research.
(6) “Retirement security and dignity.” Rejects privatizing Social Security but sets no plan for long-term solvency.
And all they got so far was the raising of the minimum wage. And they only got that by attaching it to the Emergency Defense Appropriation bill. They did promise to make it the most open and clean Congress ever, and we've gone backwards in that direction. They also promised investigations, and we certainly got that, but nothing has come from it.
Regardless, the whole benchmark thing misses the mark as Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies pointed out to Melissa Block on NPRs All Things Considered on Tuesday
BLOCK: I wonder what your take is of the need or necessity for these benchmarks. The U.S. ambassador in Iraq over the weekend told the New York Times, this is Ryan Crocker, said, the longer I’m here, the more I’m persuaded that Iraq cannot be analyzed by this kind of discrete benchmarks. Do you think he has a point?
Dr. CORDESMAN: I think he’s absolutely correct at every level. The truth is this is a very slow process where people are trying to set benchmarks measured in U.S. political time. They really can only do damage because, at best, they create expectations which can’t be met, and at worse, deadlines, which almost ensure the feeling of failure even when, over time, you’ve made substantial progress.
BLOCK: So how - what do you substitute then for benchmarks? How do you measure progress?
Dr. CORDESMAN: I think what you do is in every area we say there’s a benchmark, we are talking about an important development. But rather than describing it as a benchmark, providing regular credible reporting on what’s happening in this area, pointing out the strength and weaknesses in honest and objective terms, that is the kind of reporting that allows you to develop a credible strategy to know whether it’s worth staying.
Ooops. That pretty much ended that interview. But as if to underscore that point, on Thursday, NPRs Michelle Norris interviewed Horatio Ureta, a political officer with the State Department, assigned to a provincial reconstruction team in Iraq
Mr. HORATIO URETA (Former Political Officer, U.S. State Department): When I first arrived there, it was effectively a hot spot and extremely depressing. Al-Qaida was very, very strong. The local populous really was in despair and in dismay. There's no economic development. The Iraqi provincial government, what little there was present in the province itself, was under siege and scattered. Now, basically, nine, ten months after I've arrived, the situation has improved greatly in Anbar province.
When I first got there, we'd get out of the Humvee and we'd literally, would sprint to the building that we're going in. And whenever we moved to another building, we'd sprint to the other one, basically because of a sniper fire. The last time that I actually walked through Ramadi, which was in April, because I have to physically move to Falujah I walked around the city with no problem at all, open air market, Iraqis everywhere smiling, friendly with us, economic development, streets were clean. And we were not worried about getting shot at or having to take cover.
NORRIS: So you must have had quite a bit of security?
Mr. URETA: Oh, yes. I mean, there's always a security. But last year, no matter how much security, you would still be liable for IEDs on the way, for sniper fire. Things have drastically improved in Anbar with basically al-Qaida practically expelled.
NORRIS: Now when you mention al-Qaida, you're talking about al-Qaida in Mesopotamia. Is that correct?
Mr. URETA: Al-Qaida in Iraq as we call it, AQI.
NORRIS: And what accounts for that? You said that they're basically (unintelligible) region.
Mr. URETA: The biggest catalyst that occurred, which happened in the fall of last year, were the Anbaris themselves, the Sunni Iraqis of Anbar province. They basically got fed up with AQI, al-Qaida in Iraq. They saw that all al- Qaida was offering was effectively death and destruction for them. And I can understand from the Anbaris, they're saying, okay, we're not particularly thrilled with the U.S. presence per se, but what do the Americans offer?
They're offering us clean water, schools and stability. What is al-Qaida offering us? Effectively nothing except extreme Wahhabism and a murderous intimidation regime that is going to lead only to further despair and no economic development.
NORRIS: Mr. Ureta, the image that you painted for us of darting in and out of buildings trying to avoid the gunfire there is quite vivid. I?m wondering beyond the diplomatic corps, what life is like for average Iraqis who lived in this region?
Mr. URETA: When I first got there, food was always one way or the other available. Food shipments could always come through, so there was never a shortage of food. But there was never any jobs. Clean water was very, very difficult to acquire. And most of the time, there was never any electricity except for individuals that have their personal generators. That was in September.
Now, the situation? yes, there's still problems with electricity. There's problems with water, and jobs is a big issue. The point being, whenever we'd meet with Iraqis last year, with officials, the issue would always be security, security, security. Now, as the Iraqis meet amongst themselves, and the Americans we just kind of sit in the sidelines, they never talk about security. And even though - that itself, that is very telling, that is now no longer an issue for them. They are now able to focus on that next step.
NORRIS: Now that you're back, I imagine that everybody is asking you about your experience in Iraq and also your views. Your friends, your family, those you work with in government, what do you tell them when they ask you about the future of Iraq?
Mr. URETA: Basically, I recognize that success in Iraq is success for the United States. There ? I realize there's all sorts of feelings on how the war and the postwar occupation could have been conducted, and I won't get into that nor am I an expert even to comment on it. But I do realize that it is extremely important for the United States to succeed in Iraq, not just for the Iraqis, not just for the U.S., but effectively for the region and in the world.
As usual, Congress is looking in the wrong direction for signs of success. But then again, that's why the Constitution made it clear that there is only one commander-in-chief, not 535.
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